Trip Report

 

10th Arctic Ungulate Conference
9-13 August 1999

University of Tromsø
Tromsø, Norway

 

Submitted by:

Natasha Thorpe, Sandra Eyegetok and Lena Kamoayok

Tuktu and Nogak Project
Iqaluktuutiaq, Nunavut
September 28, 1999

 


 

Table of Contents

 

1.0 Introduction

2.0 Conference Outline

2.1 Our Oral Presentation

3.0 Sami: Reindeer Herders of Scandinavia and Siberia

3.1 Reindeer Herders: The Sami of Scandinavia

3.2 Saapmi and Nunavut Lands

4.0 Reindeer and Caribou as the Foundation to Sami and Inuit Culture

4.1 Subsisting on Reindeer and Caribou

4.2 Keeping Deer Wild or Tame?

5.0 Sami Culture

5.1 Goahte: Sami Tents

5.2 Food preparation

5.3 Sewing

5.4 Yoik: The Sacred Sami Song

5.5 Shamanism

5.6 Cultures in Transition

6.0 Conclusion

References

Appendix A: Speaking Notes for Conference Presentation

Appendix B: Trip Activities and Highlghts

 

1.0 Introduction

The 10th Arctic Ungulate Conference was held at the University of Tromsø, from August 9-13, 1999. The event brought together over two hundred circumpolar researchers of caribou, muskoxen and other animals with hooves. On the second day of the conference, Tuktu and Nogak Project staff, Sandra Eyegetok and Natasha Thorpe, along with Elder and Board member, Lena Kamoayok, orally presented their paper entitled Inuit Ecological Knowledge of Climatic Influences on Caribou and Calving Areas in the Kitikmeot Region of Nunavut, Canada. It was an honor to be chosen to speak and a good experience to present before a large and mostly qabloonaq crowd.

The following report outlines the conference events and our experience meeting with Sami people. These events enabled us to compare traditions and lifestyles based on caribou and reindeer. We found both similarities and differences between the information presented by western scientists and that given by Inuit elders and hunters interviewed for the Tuktu and Nogak Project. For example, western scientists, Inuit and Sami agree that a warming climate influences caribou.

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2.0 Conference Outline

Throughout the conference we attended the presentations and posters relevant to our research. It was particularly interesting to learn how lichens, contaminants, weather, vegetation, and genetics relate to caribou distribution, movements, behavior and ecology.

The conference was divided into ten sessions:

  1. Physiology I: Nutrition and Energetics

  2. Physiology II: Growth and Lactation

  3. Veterinary Medicine, Parasites, Health and Welfare

  4. Reindeer and Caribou Peoples and Their Knowledge

  5. Products

  6. Rangeland and Grazing Systems

  7. Populations: Dynamics and Genetics

  8. Reproduction: Behavior and Physiology

  9. Activity and Movements, Feeding Behavior and Habitat Selection;

  10. Conservation, Husbandry and Management.

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2.1 Our Oral Presentation

We were the featured presenters during session 4. Speaking notes from our paper are attached as Appendix A in this report. We are currently developing this presentation into a paper to be published in the journal, Rangifer. This paper will also be posted on our webpage in the new year (www.polarnet.ca/tuktu).

The conference was primarily based on western scientific knowledge, although some presentations and posters featured Inuit, Nenet or Sami ecological knowledge. We met with both western scientists and indigenous knowledge researchers. We were most interested in speaking with researchers doing work similar to the Tuktu and Nogak Project in order to learn more about the similarities and differences between Inuit and other indigenous peoples’ knowledge. Researchers from around the world were interested in exchanging information about the process of conducting community driven projects and the results of such work. Our presentation helped demonstrate the importance of Inuit ecological knowledge projects and how they can contribute to our understanding of caribou in Nunavut and other circumpolar nations.

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3.0 Sami: Reindeer Herders of Scandinavia and Siberia

The following section outlines what we learned about the Sami from people who we met in Norway and Sweden. In particular, we were impressed with the many similarities between the Sami and Inuit struggles as indigenous people.

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3.1 Reindeer Herders: The Sami of Scandinavia

There are 300 million indigenous people of the world, including 25,000 Inuit and 100,000 Sami (Kuoljok and Utsi 1993; Eikjok pers. comm. 1999; www.nunavut.ca/eng/nunavut/general.html). The Sami are spread across 400,000 square km2: 30,000 in Norway, 15,000 in Sweden, 4,000 in Finland and 2,000 in Russia (Rasmussen 1995). In contrast, the Inuit of Nunavut occupy 1,900,000 km2 (www.nunavut.ca/eng/nunavut/general.html). The Inuit and Sami are small in number yet they inhabit a vast expanse of land.

Before political borders were established between Norway, Sweden, Finland and Russia, the Sami freely followed the migration routes of their reindeer (Kuoljok and Utsi 1993). In 1751, the border between Norway and Sweden was established and, in 1809, the border between Sweden and Finland was created. The states did not impose strict regulations on movements within Russian and other Scandic countries until 1917 when the Russian was established and open passage became illegal. This was tragic for many Sami reindeer herders who, since time immemorial, freely followed the reindeer throughout Sapmi (Sami land) -- now northern parts of Norway, Sweden, Finland and Russia.

When the borders were established, many Sami were separated from their relatives forever. A Sami woman and active Sami researcher, Jurann Eikjok, tells the following story describing the struggle of her family.

My relatives had their winter camp in Russia and summer camp by the Norwegian coast - with spring and fall pastures between. They spoke four different Sami languages, because they stayed at different Sami locations during the year. When the Russian boarder was closed in autumn 1917, all the group ("siida") already was in Russia, except for my grandfather and his brother because they were collecting the rest of the reindeer herd. When they arrived at the border, they were denied to cross it. They had to find other kinds of work, in the newly established mining industry where my grandfather died in 1929. We lost the contact with our relatives who were in Russia. But our grandmother all time reminded us children of our history. So when the Russian border was opened in 1989, I started to search for them. But all Samis in Russia were moved many times by force because of the military industry. So it has been a difficult work.

(Eikjok pers. comm. 1999).

Since the 16th century, the Norwegian, Swedish, Finish and Russian peoples have forced many Sami to abandon their nomadic ways of living and to settle in different areas. Like the Inuit, the Sami used to hunt, fish and trap between their winter and summer camps that were sometimes 500 km apart (Rasmussen 1995; Eikjok pers. comm. 1999). Today, many Sami and Inuit continue to harvest reindeer and caribou, but these animals are not crucial for survival like they were in the past.

Starting in the late 1600s, Sami stopped hunting wild reindeer for subsistence and instead began to herd them. Up until 1927, some Sami herders had between 500-1000 animals (Rasmussen 1995). After this time, government regulations began to aggressively erode sijdda, a local social system composed of a number of families who occupied separate territories. This was accomplished by imposing restrictions on grazing areas, trek routes, calving areas, and fishing lakes as part of a collectivization process. Like the Inuit, many Sami were forced to live in settlements, attend residential schools and abandon their language, culture and religion. According to Jorunn Eikjok, "it is a history about colonization of Sami land, with strong pressure on wild animals and natural resources," (pers. comm. 1999).

Today, only 10% of the Sami people are "reindeer people" (Eikjok pers. comm. 1999). In the north, these herders move between winter camps in the interior and summer camps at the coast. They spend autumn and spring in the pasturelands in between. In the south, the herders move from their winter camps by the coast to their summer camps inland.

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3.2 Saapmi and Nunavut Lands

Sami land has a special name just like Inuit land does. Saapmi is to Sami what Nunavut is to the Inuit. The Sami, however, do not have their own territory established by a land claims agreement. They are fighting for rights on their land, but Canada has been more progressive than Norway, Sweden, Finland or Russia in this regard. Since 1986, one advance has is the creation of a common flag to unite Sami. Still, the nation states do not recognize the Sami as an independent nation. While the Inuit now self- govern Nunavut territory, the Sami are still struggling for control and autonomy of their lands.

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4.0 Reindeer and Caribou as the Foundation to Sami and Inuit Culture

The Inuit and Sami have a similar relationship to caribou and reindeer; these animals are an integral part of Inuit and Sami culture, tradition and subsistence. As caribou, reindeer and their habitats are threatened, so too are people who depend upon them. This requires that indigenous knowledge be documented and used by community members and decision-makers. The Tuktu and Nogak Project and similar projects ongoing in Scandinavia are rising to meet this challenge.

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4.1 Subsisting on Reindeer and Caribou

The traditional Sami rely on reindeer much like the Inuit depend on caribou, sharing their experiences through stories of their knowledge since time immemorial. Sami and Inuit use all parts of the animal, even milk from a nursing cow. Up until the 1930s, the Sami benefited from nutrients in this milk much like Inuit did. However, the Sami used this milk to make cheese that was easily traded with the Scandinavians for ornamental silver or woolen materials to make clothing. After the 1930s, the Sami started to herd goats for this purpose.

Inuit and Sami prepare meat differently because the Sami had access to firewood and the Inuit relied on seal oil for cooking fuel. The Inuit eat cooked, dried and raw meat whereas the Sami prefer only cooked, dried or smoked meat. Even though Inuit and Sami live at the same latitudes, the Gulf Stream provides warm weather so that the treeline extends farther north in Scandinavia.

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4.2 Keeping Deer Wild or Tame?

Inuit are different from Sami in that they let caribou remain wild. Lena said that the Inuit believe "caribou take care of themselves" which is why Inuit don’t try to herd them. It is "better for them to be wild" and not to interfere with them (Kamoayok pers. comm. 1999). She commented that she felt pain for the reindeer when she saw a film illustrating Sami people cutting the ears of the calves to mark them as belonging to a particular herder. At the same time, she understood the importance of marking reindeer so that the herds don’t get mixed up or lost.

For the reindeer herding Sami, reindeer husbandry is still an important livelihood. These Sami do not travel with the herd between winter to summer camps. The marked deer move freely within certain pastures. Some Sami have settled and keep their reindeer in a much smaller range than in ancient times. Although some Sami have been forced to abandon their nomadic lifestyle, they still practice traditional reindeer herding. This has been strongly encouraged by the state that relies upon reindeer harvesting as an industry.

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5.0 Sami Culture

We visited many Sami communities in Norway and Sweden and learned about Sami culture through contact with families, museum visits and literature. The following sections outline our observations of Sami tents, food preparation, sewing, and songs. The final section briefly discusses the struggles that Sami face while trying to preserve their culture. Our observations are based on visits with Sami families, museums, and literature.

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5.1 Goahte: Sami Tents

During our visit with the Ingas, a Sami family in Jokkmokk, Sweden, we toured the Ajtte Sami-Museum. This facility is carefully and beautifully designed to exhibit the Sami people and their culture. One of the most spectacular exhibits was of the Sami tent or goahte. The Sami use reindeer skins and several wooden poles to erect a goahte. Lena commented that this makes it look like an Indian teepee. In contrast, Inuit use caribou skins and only one pole to erect a tupiq.

The Sami have certain rituals when there are visitors to their goahte. The hearth in the goahte is in the middle of the tent and cannot be occupied by anyone other than the woman of the household. There is a ceremonial way of preparing and serving the food in that the woman serves her visitors: only the woman of the household decides what and how much a guest eats. In contrast, the Inuit encourage guests to help themselves to what they like. Saving special parts of the reindeer and caribou (e.g. the heart) for elders is common among both the Sami and Inuit.

It was fascinating to learn that the Sami have two entrances into the goahte: one for regular visitors and the other at the opposite side of the tent for revered people such as shamans. This second entrance is also used when sacred bear meat is prepared. To bring the meat in through this entrance is to give it the utmost respect.

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5.2 Food Preparation

The museum displayed many traditional Sami tools, including those used for preparing and eating reindeer meat. All members in Sami families have knives of their own, while Inuit have to share ulus or knives.

The Eikjok and Inga families shared reindeer meat, fish and cloudberries with us. Jurrann Eikjok cooked fish heads for Lena to take on her journey the next day! Both Inuit and Sami elders enjoy fish heads and to prepare these for them is a great sign of respect. Berit Inga cooked us many special meals. She prepared special Sami flat bread (much thinner than mukpauyaq) and a sauce made from the mountain sorrel plant (hiiknakotit). In response to these gestures, Lena commented that Sami are much like in the Inuit in that they are hospitable and generous.

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5.3 Sewing

Lena noticed that Sami women are very patient and pay attention to detail when sewing beautiful clothing. Traditionally they used reindeer skin clothing very similar to the caribou skin clothing used by the Inuit. Kamiks sewn by the Sami people have fur on the soles instead of leather and the toes are curled upwards in order to easily attach ski bindings. The Sami call these gama (north Sami) or gaamik (south Sami). It is interesting to note how similar these words are to kamik. (Eikjok pers. comm. 1999)

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5.4 Yoik: The Sacred Sami Song

Sami give each other special songs called yoiks. For the Inuit, these are the same as pihiks. A yoik is created by a reindeer herder as a special way of remembering or "to come close to that which s/he is thinking about" (Kuoljok and Utsi 1993: 48). It is unique because it does not have to contain words. Instead, it might sound like an animal call or have the rhythm of an animal movement such as a caribou migration. At the Tromsø museum we listened to a yoik which was named for the animal that it sounded like. Likewise, Inuit often name animals in this way.

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5.5 Shamanism

During the conference closing banquet, the Sami people invited us to sit with them. They asked many questions about the Inuit and together we compared the two cultures. An interesting issue was how both cultures were forced to give up their shaman religion for Christianity. The shaman was knowledgeable about health, human relations and relationship with nature. Since people were punished if they practiced their language or ceremonies, much traditional knowledge was lost. All over the circumpolar north, shamanism has disappeared primarily because of state regulations. Through this loss, both Inuit and Sami have lost an important part of their cultures. Further, knowledge disappeared that could have helped cultures survive in ways that we no longer know or understand. This has particular meaning for our Inuit relationship with the environment.

The Sami and Inuit have profound respect for, and depend upon, the land and wildlife. For the Sami, this means honouring sacred animals such as the bear whose meat was carefully eaten and bones buried with great ritual. For both the Inuit and Sami, it means wasting no part of an animal that has been hunted. In Sami mythology, the sun is the father and the earth is the mother. The Sami people share these parents. In earlier times, the Sami were the children of the god of the wind (Kuoljok and Utsi 1993). These practices and creation myths demonstrate how Sami, like the Inuit, have a deep reverence for land and wildlife that depends upon a healthy environment.

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5.6 Cultures in Transition

A very important topic of discussion we had with the Sami was the cultural changes that both cultures have undergone and continue to face. The Sami from Sweden, Norway, Finland and Russia talked about the younger generation having no interest in preserving and maintaining the traditional ways of life. No matter how much the elder Sami teach, share and try to pass on the culture, the young peoples’ mentality seems to be that what was in the past is not important today. As such, they think that Sami no longer need their traditional skills and knowledge. We Inuit empathized strongly with the Sami and discussed ways to resolve this lack of interest and disrespect by the younger generations.

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6.0 Conclusion

Our presentation at the conference helped everybody to bridge gaps between western science and indigenous knowledge of caribou and reindeer. In doing so, local knowledge and science can be combined for a healthier environmental society for people around the world.

Though the Tuktu and Nogak Project, we have demonstrated how local knowledge has been a source of learning since time immemorial. This is because native people have learned over generations and passed orally ecological knowledge that is rich with valuable information. This simply cannot be matched. As decision-makers around the world, we must all work to combine western and local traditional knowledge to address environmental and wildlife problems today and anticipate those in the future.

We are grateful to the Arctic Institute of North America, Nunavut Tunngavik Incorporated, Nunavut Planning Commission and Simon Fraser University for their generous sponsorship. Without their support, we would not have had the opportunity to share our experience with other circumpolar nations. Further, we would not have had a say in how people around the world should consider Inuit ecological knowledge when making decisions about caribou and reindeer. Thank you for this.

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References

Eikjok, Jorunn. 1999. Head, Sami Competence Centre and Network (GAISA) and Indigenous Women in the Arctic Network. Tromsø, Norway. Personal Communication, August 9-13, 1999. Email correspondence October 1999.

Kamoayok, Lena. 1999. Elder, Umingmaktuuq, Nunavut. Personal Communication. August 5-21, 1999.

Kuoljok, Sunna and John E. Utsi. 1993. The Sami: people of the sun and wind. Lulea: Grafiska Huset.

Rasmussen, Hans-Erik. 1995. The Sami on the Kola Peninsula. In The Barents Region (Ivar Bjørklund et al., eds.). Tromsø: Lundblad Grafisk as, 48-55.

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Appendix A: Speaking Notes for Conference Presentation

Inuit ecological knowledge of climatic influences on caribou and calving areas
in the Kitikmeot Region of Nunavut, Canada

 

SANDRA:

Quana Kaigaffi. Thank you. It is a pleasure to be here and meet other circumpolar peoples to share research. We would like to thank many Inuit elders and hunters who have supported us in presenting the following.

Today we will discuss Inuit observations of how climatic changes influence vegetation and how this in turn effects caribou and calving areas. We will define Inuit ecological knowledge, outline our study area, methods and results, and close with conclusions.

Inuit ecological knowledge is gained from an acute awareness of dynamic interactions between people, lands, and resources. For generations, Inuit survival depended on how well people understood environmental relationships, particularly those between climate and wildlife. Inuit Ecological Knowledge is shared between hunters, compared, verified, and peer reviewed between elders and hunters within communities. Thus, Inuit ecological knowledge provides valuable information about climatic influences on caribou and calving areas.

Our paper is based entirely on Inuit ecological knowledge, and not western scientific knowledge. In the same way that a western scientist does not exhaustively review the local knowledge record while conducting his or her research, we have not reviewed the western scientific record. I leave that job to you!

Lena wants to share an example of Inuit ecological knowledge with you.

 

LENA:

This summer the weather was not as hot in the communities of Bay Chimo and Bathurst, so I have seen an increase in caribou. When the weather is too hot, combined with insects, that is when the caribou population decreases. This IEK has been passed on for generations. That is how it has always been.

Study Area

The study area is the traditional hunting area for Umingmaktuuq and Qingauk, defined in red. The range of the Bathurst Herd is indicated in grey. The Arctic Circle is along this line.

I’ve defined Inuit Ecological Knowledge and shown you the study area. Now I will discuss the methods.

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Methods

The results reported are based on the Tuktu and Nogak Project. The objective of this community driven work is to document and communicate Inuit ecological knowledge of the Bathurst Herd caribou and their calving areas.

At the outset of the project, an elders advisory committee was formed. This board oversees the project and decides how, where, and when the research proceeds also how the results will be used. The board selected 30 interviewees, particularly elders and hunters who depend on the Bathurst herd for cultural, traditional and subsistence purposes. Structured, semi-structured and semi-directed interviews were conducted out on the land, within communities and during an elder-youth camp.

After interviews were translated, verified and analysed the results were clustered into several categories such as climatic influences on calving areas. Other categories include caribou population, health, migration and movements. 10 transcripts were reviewed for this presentation.

NATASHA:

Thanks Sandra. I will discuss results, based solely on IEK from the 10 selected interview transcripts. Climate changes influence vegetation and this, in turn, influences caribou calving areas. I will first consider the relationship between climate and vegetation, then the relationship between vegetation and caribou.

Inuit have observed climate changes that influence seasons. These seasonal changes influence vegetation. This is an oversimplification since these relationships are complex, yet Inuit have identified certain trends and effects. This chart is our interpretation of what Inuit from the Kitikmeot region have shared with us. We have attempted to illustrate these trends without compromising the holistic nature of Inuit knowledge.

Inuit have observed a general warming trend since the 1950s. Within this trend, there have been short-term fluctuations both within and between decades. This has led to seasonal effects including earlier spring snowmelt, increased snowfall, warmer temperatures and sporadic freeze-thaw cycles. A key primary effect of a changing climate has been an increase in abundance and diversity of vegetation. Inuit have observed more numerous and larger plants, particularly shrubs, in the Bathurst Inlet region. Diversity has increased, especially at more northern latitudes where new types of lichens and plants are found that were not present in the 1950s.

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How have calving areas been influenced?

Calving areas of the Bathurst herd have shifted since the 1950s for several reasons related to the seasonal effects of a changing climate. Areas that become snow-free first are abundant with vegetation. Elders explain that since caribou prefer fresh shoots and new bark because they are more nutritious, they often choose these rich areas for calving. Many interviewees suggested that to locate calving grounds, you must know which areas first become snow-free.

Of the four seasonal effects outlined, warmer temperatures are most responsible for causing cows to calve nearby rivers and or lakes to help regulate body temperature. While out on the land, Inuit have observed caribou escaping the heat by swimming and hiding in the shade of vegetation that has grown tall due to available moisture. Caribou avoid dehydration by drinking water, eating vegetation with high water content and lastly, by sucking on mushrooms. Mushrooms provide nutrients as well as water. As Jack Alonak says, mushrooms are caribou "water bottles" or "chewing tobacco". As temperatures increase, these strategies become more relevant.

Elders and hunters have observed that calving areas shift regularly. People say that it is not easy to predict where cows will calve, but most suggest that cows go to different places in search of nutrient rich vegetation and to escape predators. In addition, cows separate to avoid over-grazed and trampled vegetation: caribou are said to be like lawn mowers because they "eat-up" vegetation in one area and are thus forced to move to other areas. With diversity increasing at higher latitudes, calving areas may be moving northwards.

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SANDRA:

Conclusions

Inuit ecological knowledge suggests that vegetation is moving northwards as a result of warming temperatures and that food sources are increasing because individual plants are becoming more numerous and robust. Since vegetation guides the selection of calving areas, we may expect calving areas to shift accordingly.

Inuit have identified complex environmental interactions, provided interesting spatial and temporal insights, and generated hypotheses for further research. Results suggest that like the holistic view of the Inuit, it is important to examine the relationships between climate, vegetation and calving areas, rather than focusing on these variables in isolation.

When used together with western scientific information, Inuit ecological knowledge can guide current and future management of the Bathurst herd. It may also have applications for other circumpolar herds. Our challenge as researchers is to work together to explore information overlap and to bridge information gaps.

That concludes our presentation. We’d like to thank Nunavut Tunngavik Incorporated, Nunavut Planning Commission, Simon Fraser University and the Arctic Institute of North America for sponsoring our attendance at this conference.

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Appendix B: Trip Activities and Highlights

We combined research, work and holiday on this trip. Below is an outline of our activities.

Date

Activities and Highlights

4

  • Travel from Cambridge Bay to Edmonton (LK, SE)

5

  • Travel from Edmonton to Copenhagen to Oslo (LK, SE)
  • Travel from Vancouver to London to Oslo (NT)
  • Highlight: SE, LK meet Inuit from Greenland in the Copenhagen airport.

6 & 7

  • LK, SE, NT travel from Oslo to Trondheim to Bodo to Tromso by train and plane
  • LK, NT attend opening reception for conference and meet Inuvialuit delegates from Inuvik
  • Settle into Tromsdalen Campground
  • Highlight: Checking into a log hut beside a river tucked in the mountains which was cheaper, quieter and more comfortable, especially for LK.

9

  • Day 1 of conference: Physiology I and II
  • Attend film: Living with Reindeer
  • Participate in plenary debate: A research plan on the human role in reindeer\caribou systems
  • Highlight: During plenary debate, SE challenges western scientists by asking how they intend to work together with Inuit, Sami and other indigenous people researching reindeer and caribou.

10

  • Day 2: Reindeer and Caribou Peoples and Their Knowledge; Products, Rangeland and Grazing Systems
  • Give oral presentation of our paper.
  • Meeting with other indigenous knowledge researchers (Mike Ferguson, Berit Inga) to discuss research challenges and share our experience.
  • Attend conference tour of nearby Norwegian fishing farm
  • Highlight: Giving a successful presentation and having people ask lots of questions.

11

  • Day 3: Populations: Dynamics and Genetics; Reproduction: Behavior and Physiology

12

  • Day 4: Activity and Movements, Feeding Behavior, Habitat Selection; Conservation, Husbandry and Management
  • Highlight: Meet with Johan Mathis Turi, Association of World Reindeer Herders.

13

  • Attend CAES Lectures on Circumpolar Reindeer and Caribou Research
  • Highlight: Establish research relationships with circumpolar reindeer and caribou Ph.D. students.

14

  • Meeting with Jorunn Eikjok, Co-founder of Indigenous Peoples’ Network and Head of the Sami Competence Centre and Network (GAISA) and Indigenous Women in the Arctic Network.
  • Highlight: Jurrann cooks a traditional meal for us! We discuss research challenges and successes.

15

  • Leave Tromso by coastal steamer from Tromso to Skoerland
  • Settle into Knutmarken Feriesenter campground.

16

  • Day of rest

17

  • Travel to Jokkmokk, a Sami community.
  • Meet and stay with Berit Inga, a Sami researcher documenting elders’ knowledge of reindeer herding.
  • Highlight: Visiting Berit who introduces us to Sami ways of life and tells us about reindeer herders’ knowledge. We compare what reindeer and caribou eat during a walk in the forest.

18

  • Tour Ajjte Sami Museum.
  • Meeting with Inga-Maria Mulk, Director and Researcher, Ajtte Museum.
  • Highlight: During a forest walk, we compare what reindeer and caribou eat while talking with Berit.

19

  • Travel from Jokkmokk for Stockholm.

20

  • LK and SE leave from Stockholm to Oslo

21

  • LK and SE leave from Oslo to Edmonton

22

  • LK and SE lay over in Edmonton

23

  • LK and SE return to Cambridge Bay

27

  • LK and SE interview with Roy Goose, CBC Radio, Tushavik, and talk about Norway trip

29

  • NT returns to Vancouver

Sept

  • SE and NT interview with NewsNorth; article published on Sept. 27th
  • SE and NT write trip report, update website, send thank you letters, and finish accounting.

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